Pregnant inmates have always faced incredible challenges in the American prison system. Some women claim they were neglected or denied basic health care, let alone prenatal care. There is the constant danger of miscarriage, either from neglect or from abuse by other inmates. There are several cases of inmates even being ignored during labor, left to give birth alone in the cell. And, until October 2009, these women were shackled and restrained to the same degree as other inmates, even during labor. [1]

Neglect & Miscarriage

Michelle McCollum was in the first trimester of her pregnancy when she was jailed for drug possession charges. In August of 2005, she was attacked by two other inmates, who punched her in the stomach repeatedly. After the attack, McCollum and another inmate cried to guards for help, but they refused to bring her to the infirmary.

She bled for three days until officers finally agreed to take her to the hospital, where doctors declared she had miscarried. They ordered that she return to the hospital later for a followup, but jail personnel never took her back. On September 17, she began bleeding again uncontrollably.

An ambulance finally rushed McCollum back to the hospital, where she received a transfusion because the blood loss was so great. Doctors then performed a procedure called a D&C, which removed the remains of the pregnancy. [2]

Related Stories:
Arpaio’s Jail Staff Cost Ambrett Spencer Her Baby, and She’s Not the Only One
Clamor: Barriers to Basic Care
Teen Mother Says Prison Neglected Her
Police Finish Investigation in Miscarriage Case

Solitary Cell Birth

Melissa Woten, an inmate at the Racine County Jail in Wisconsin, went into labor 18 weeks early. In March of 2009, she awoke in the middle of the night to find herself bleeding. Her cell mate pushed an emergency button for help, which was only answered by an intercom.

The 20-year-old spent the next four hours in labor, giving birth in her cell toilet around 5:15 a.m. Only then did jail staff respond, reaching her a few minutes later and calling for an ambulance. Her daughter was born alive, but stopped breathing, and didn’t respond to CPR. They were rushed to the hospital at 5:23 a.m., and the baby was pronounced dead at 5:58 a.m.

Woten’s grandfather, Ronald Kerner, was not allowed to visit her in the hospital. He was very concerned about her well-being, and frustrated by how the jail handled the situation. “I know she’s been in trouble of her own making,” he said. “That doesn’t make it wrong for the little one. The baby’s not at fault for what the parents do.” [3]

Related Stories:
$1.5M Suit Filed Over Birth in Jail
Woman Gives Birth Alone in Taylor County Jail Cell
Dubuquer Gives Birth Alone in Jail Cell

Nelson v. Norris

Shawanna Nelson was pregnant when she was incarcerated in Arkansas for credit card fraud and bad checks. When she went into labor, a corrections officer shackled her ankles to opposite sides of the hospital bed, even though Nelson was nonviolent and not considered a flight risk. After filing a law suit against the Arkansas Department of Corrections, she “produced evidence that the shackling caused her extreme mental anguish and pain, permanent hip injury, torn stomach muscles, and an umbilical hernia requiring surgical repair.” She has since been advised by medical professionals to never bear another child. [4]

With assistance from the ACLU National Prison Project, National Advocates for Pregnant Women, and the National Economic and Social Rights Initiative, Nelson continued the legal battle even after a district court sided with the defendants. In a narrow six-to-five en banc decision in the appellate court, the Eighth Circuit held that shackling women while in labor was, in fact, a constitutional violation. [1]

While the court’s verdict is a great step in securing female prisoners’ rights, the fight continues. Visit the ACLU and NAPW for more information.

Sources:

[1] “‘How Does Somebody Have a Baby in Jail Without Anyone Noticing?’ The Awful Plight of Pregnant Prisoners” (Rachel Roth, The Nation). Alternet Reproductive Justice. December 14, 2009

[2] “Arpaio’s Jail Staff Cost Ambrett Spencer Her Baby, and She’s Not the Only One” (John Dickerson) Phoenix New Times. October 28, 2008

[3] “Baby Dies After Jail Birth”(Marci Laehr Tenuta) The Journal Times Online. April 1, 2009

[4] Nelson v. Norris: Opinion 10/02/09. United States Court of Appeals for the Eighth District. No. 07-2481

[5] “PREGNANT WOMEN INMATES: EVALUATING THEIR RIGHTS AND IDENTIFYING OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMPROVEMENTS IN THEIR TREATMENT.” (Kelly Parker). Cleveland Marshall College of Law

Female genital mutilation (FGM), also referred to as female circumcision, is a common practice in Africa, as well as in some Middle Eastern and Asian regions. The procedure involves severing a girl’s clitoris, which is both painful and hazardous to her health. Removing her primary source of sexual stimulation, often against her will, is thought to preserve her virginity and make her more suitable for marriage. [1]

“‘Female circumcision is a traditional practice that dates back hundreds of years in many African countries,’ explains Elizabeth Mwangi, justice and peacebuilding officer for Catholic Relief Services (CRS) in Kenya. ‘Some Kenyan communities are now recognizing the human rights and health issues involved and are taking measures to end the practice. At the same time, they want to retain the important rite of passage and cultural education that are also part of the ritual.’” [2]

The UN reports that over 91 million girls and women have already been circumcised, with roughly three million African girls at risk of circumcision annually. Consequences of the procedure include bleeding, infection, higher rates of infant mortality, physical and emotional trauma, sterility, and death. [1]

The short documentary below outlines the basic problem, as experienced by Egyptian women. Resistance to FGM continues to grow as more rural communities are educated about the risks.

Local and international movements alike have already initiated change. In February of 2003, the First Lady of Nigeria, Stella Obasanjo, called for “Zero Tolerance to FGM” in Africa. This prompted the UN to officially name February 6th the International Day of Zero Tolerance to FGM, and ceremonies marking this day occur around the globe. [3]

In 2007, The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) launched a $44 million campaign to reduce the practice by 40% in 16 African countries by 2015. The Norwegian government was the first major contributor to the campaign, donating $3.5 million to the cause. [4] Activist groups like CRS and End FGM Kenya also educate civilians and raise awareness internationally, in an effort to encourage women to not participate in the tradition. [5]

This decade has seen marked progress in the campaign to end female circumcision. Most recently, in December of 2009, Uganda officially banned it. Now, anyone in the country convicted of the practice “will face 10 years in jail, or a life sentence if the victim dies.” [1] Hopefully, as the resistance movement continues to grow, more nations will follow suit and take formal actions to eliminate FGM altogether.

Sources:

[1] “Uganda Bans Female Genital Mutiliation” BBC News Online. December 10, 2009

[2] “Saying ‘No’ to ‘The Cut’ in Kenya.” (Debbie DeVoe) Catholic Relief Services Online

[3] “Commemorating International Day of Zero Tolerance to Female Genital Mutilation.” (Charlotte Feldman-Jacobs) Population Reference Bureau. February 2009

[4] “FGM News: ‘UNFPA, UNICEF Step Up Efforts to End Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting.” Campaign to End FGM in Kenya. September 8, 2007

[5] End FGM Kenya

Author Leslie Sanchez has made a name for herself as a political analyst and former presidential advisor. She’s been published in The New York Times, The Washington Post, and The Wall Street Journal, and appeared as a pundit on ABC, NBC, CNN, and Fox News, among others. [1]

Her recent book, You’ve Come a Long Way, Maybe: Sarah, Michelle, Hillary, and the Shaping of the New American Woman, studies the impact of these women on the 2008 presidential campaign.

While her analysis is interesting, it’s far from objective. By inserting heavy-handed conservative judgments at every opportunity, she alienates and mocks readers who might disagree. The book, though thoroughly researched, reads more like a long op ed piece than legitimate journalism.

The quoted passages and reference materials do offer insight to the prevalence of sexism during the race. “Rush Limbaugh, speaking of a particularly unflattering photo of Clinton, … asked: ‘Will Americans want to watch a woman get older before their eyes on a daily basis?’” Though, he claimed aging men look “more authoritative, accomplished and distinguished.” Then, discussing Palin’s appeal, he said “she’s not going to remind anybody of their ex-wife, she’s going to remind men, ‘Gee, I wish she was single.’” (p.50-51). While Limbaugh is one of the more inflammatory pundits, many others described Hillary as too cold, and Palin as “exceptionally pretty,” and “a real honey.” (p.47) Even Michelle Obama, an accomplished lawyer and activist, had the media focus on her wardrobe and physique (particularly her arms) more than anything else.

“According to a poll of women conducted for Lifetime Networks after the 2008 election, ‘65 percent of women – majorities in every demographic and political group – said that male and female candidates are held to different standards on the campaign trail.’ Women thought it was easier for a man to be ‘taken seriously by the voters,’ or to be ‘covered seriously by the media.’” (p.125) Americans also frowned upon Palin as a working mom more than Obama as a working dad, and tended to view racism as a bigger problem than sexism.

Sanchez presents interesting points in this way, but veers into dangerous territory when revealing her biases. For one, she claims that any women who supported Hillary in the primaries, but didn’t switch teams to vote for Palin, were anti-feminist. “[My feminist friends] assumed that, as a career woman, I would be naturally offended by certain of the governor’s policy convictions. I was dumbfounded, and I turned the question around on them. ‘How could you not support Palin?’ … Didn’t the ’sisterhood’ mean anything to them?” (p.78) This superficial standpoint emphasizes only the biological similarities between the candidates, ignoring the fact that Clinton and Palin are political and ideological opposites.

The patronization and sexualization of women headed toward the White House was phenomenal last year, and You’ve Come a Long Way, Maybe couples valid arguments with revealing research. Still, Sanchez’s overt conservatism blurs the line between fact and opinion, and her casual, inconsistent writing style leaves much to be desired.

Sources:

[1] Leslie Sanchez Official Site: About Leslie Sanchez

[2] Sanchez, Leslie. You’ve Come a Long Way, Maybe: Sarah, Michelle, Hillary and the Shaping of the New American Woman. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.